| | La prolétarisation de l’Etat | | | | Modifier la taille du texte: | A | | | A | | |
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| | Par:- Nazim Esoof
On 28/10/2009 |
On a beaucoup parlé de réformes, ces dernières années, sous différents gouvernements. S’il y a eu, bel et bien, des réformes dans certains secteurs, on ne peut s’empêcher de se demander pour quelles raisons l’esprit de réforme n’a pas traversé le service public?
L’idée de l’intérêt général supporte, depuis des décennies, un service public sclérosé. Le corporatisme rigide des syndicats a permis de maintenir le statu quo. La pusillanimité de la classe politique devant ce moloch a paralysé toute velléité d’action. Ajoutons à tout cela une dose d’arguments sectaires et on aura les explications derrière cette immobilité qui caractérise le service public mauricien.
Pourquoi en parler à nouveau aujourd’hui? Pour plusieurs raisons. Mais je n’en mentionnerai que deux. La première a trait à la pleutrerie d’une classe politique dès lors qu’il est question de toucher à une structure où il y a une concentration des employés d’une même communauté. La seconde, et la plus importante, est qu’on ne peut exiger la réforme de tous sauf d’une certaine nomenklatura qui occupe les différentes strates de l’Etat.
Pourquoi donc protéger des intérêts particuliers et des pratiques condamnables, comme le laxisme, lorsqu’ils représentent le premier élément qui ralentit la dynamique économique?
Selon quelles règles divines, la garantie à vie de l’emploi dans le public est-elle un droit immuable? En quoi l’ancienneté serait-elle plus valable que le mérite? Pourquoi la gestion centralisée devra-t-elle toujours primer sur l’autonomie des collectivités locales, même s’il est aussi vrai que la décentralisation n’a pas de sens sans compétence? Pourquoi un secteur aussi important d’un pays, qu’est le service public, devrait-il échapper à la logique du profit et de la compétition? Alors que ce sont deux dynamiques qui font bouger toutes les structures qui ont autant une mission d’intérêt général que de rentabilité.
Si on veut connaître les raisons de la prolétarisation de l’Etat, il faudrait répondre à ces questions.
Entre-temps, je ne peux qu’exprimer ma tristesse de voir que les droits acquis de certains sont plus importants que leurs devoirs. Et qu’à une époque où on parle de la mort des idéologies, l’idéologie du service public, elle, règne en maître, passant entre les mailles du filet de toutes les réformes enclenchées.
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| sabeeha | | | Why dont you just use simple language?
Am sure, people would appreciate that..
thx | | | Converti | | | Un vocabulaire bien complexe M. de Marasme Esnouf. Continuez à prétendre à une espèce d'identité "universelle" qui puise sa "substantifique moëlle" de votre francotropisme évident. Complexé autant que votre vocabulaire, vous l'êtes. On le voit derrière vos nouvelles lunettes qui auraient méritées d'être noires comme celles de brillants journalistes qui ont épousé la culture supérieure de l'Orient. | | | Triptophan | | | One can hardly imagine a situation where our job seekers would be unattracted to the Civil Service. It is not only the prospect of a permanent contract but also the protection of the civil sevant's rights made possible by the presence of the union which render such positions secure. In a society whose institutions are so riddled with corruption and nepotism ( that we have had to invent ICAC which itself is not totally immune...) the worker and civil servant needs to be protected by a robust union. Changes in the ways the Civil service is administered should be initiated by the authorities, not the unions. But these can play a facilitating role.
Unfortunately as long as we will have our current "First Past the Post" electoral system the reform of our Civil Service remains a far cry. | | | Emiliano Z | | |
Mo ti envi essai langaz victor Hugo mo oussi, mais mo pou alle tasser. Ou dire: " qu’est le service public, devrait-il échapper à la logique du profit et de la compétition?" I certainly hope it continues to thwart that 'logic'.
SERVICE publik dan enn societe civilizer, c enn obligatyon social; li pas la pou fer profit. Si syklonn craz ou lakaz SERVICE publik donn ou enn kood-main; si ou maladd e ou pas kapab travail, SERVICE publik donn ou enn pension pou ou pas mort de faim. The public service is in essence an essential service provided to the public and paid for by their taxes. Not everything has a price otherwise the rich would get medical services and the poor would waste away. The only reason this idea hasn't yet taken off is because the poor are still needed to labour to make the rich, richer.
The old chestnut - competition - is pure SPIN! C enn system kot gro lichien manz la viande ek ti lichien gobb mouche; e letan gro lichien finn manz tou ti lichien, dimounn obliger paye prix seki korperatyon dire. And i've seen big business give away their products - for FREE- to kill off smaller competitors.
Ideologi ti viv zis dan lespri .008 de enn-pourcent de la populatyon. Zordi li finn mort net. These days It is pejoratively called Idealism. Partou pareil. People are not really interested in future generations not yet born, and rightly so too. Most are concerned with the here and now: Ki enan la dan pou mwa? Kot mo boute ... | | | Sabir | | | Changement de mentalite peut-etre?? Et l'on decouvrira tres vite que cette sclerose ne ronge pas que le service public. | | | FROM:SALOMON | | | From: SALOMON
THE CAUCUS AND THE PATRONAGE.
La prolétarisation de l’Etat. Je ne peux qu’exprimer ma tristesse de voir que les droits acquis de certains sont plus importants que leurs devoirs. . La réforme de tous sauf d’une certaine nomenklatura qui occupe les différentes strates de l’Etat.
THOUSANDS join you, Mr. Esoof in this feeling of sadness. Yesterday again the Prime Minister repeated his need for three quarter majority in Parliament for effective reforms implementation. The claim for an absolute majority is preposterous, much and more can be accomplished if there is a will. Press reforms is the next big cherished ambition for the Establishment- the less we talk the better for the ruling tribe to keep varnishing the decaying fabrics , and keep the business as usual mind set.
The political Establishment barons have an agenda of taking over the State institutions, making appointment of political nominees, canvassing for Municipal and village councils, the same status of power control permeates with subtle and invisible driving force. Patronage in the civil service has been under review since the time of President Washington in the United States. The makers of the constitution fully realized that the adjustment of the power of appointment to office required careful consideration. All are familiar with the power wielded in England by the “King’s Friends," the most mighty faction ever based almost solely on the distribution of offices, and the source to which the colonies attributed much of the evil treatment which had estranged them from their mother country. A mechanical system for the choice of public servants existed at that time.
The question of the civil service was part and parcel of the more general problem of the extent of the executive power, and was itself scarcely drawn into debate. President Washington formed his plans with the punctilious exactness which was characteristic of him. Early in May, after his inauguration, he wrote “I anticipate that one of the most difficult and delicate parts of the duty of my office will be that which relates to nominations for appointments " and in the same letter he remarked that he had made it a rule to say nothing definite appointments until his mind was made up.
In 1796 he said that his plan was "to lay the recommendations . . . by, until the hour comes when nominations are to be made, and then after reference to them and an attention to other circumstances (which is often essential) prefer those who seem to have the greatest fitness for the office. There can be no doubt that Washington considered fitness for the post to be filled a sine qua non for appointment. He was a man honest even with himself. An excellent example is a letter of May 21, 1789, to Mary Wooster : " MADAM, I have duly received your affect- ing letter, dated the 8th day of this month. Sympathizing with you as I do in the great misfortunes, which have befallen your family in consequence of the war, my feelings as an individual would forcibly prompt me to do everything in my power to repair those misfortunes.
But as a public man, acting only with reference to the public good, I must be allowed to decide upon all points of my duty, without consulting my private inclinations and wishes. I must be permitted, with the best lights I can obtain, and upon a general view of characters and circumstances, to nominate such persons alone to offices, as in my judgment shall be the best qualified to discharge the functions of the departments to which they shall be appointed." This absolute requirement of capacity seems to have been generally understood, and nearly every existing application for office under Washington dwells on the applicant's ability. There is a broad difference between appointing only fit men to office, and appointing those who are most fit and Washington pursued this second aim also. It was a difficult task.
There were many applicants who appealed to his benevolence and it must have been particularly hard to turn away soldiers of the Revolution, great numbers of whom urged their sufferings upon him as just ground for reward. Yet he always answered that these considerations could not offset superior efficiency. He refused to make public office a bounty, though in some cases he did assist such applicants with his private means. One class of seekers he cut off from all hope of office by writing to his nephew, Bushrod Washington, that relationship must be an absolute bar to preferment.
So clear did he make the honesty of his attempt to fulfil his difficult task impartially, that sometimes even disappointed candidates acknowledged the justice or the necessity of his selections? Likewise in Mauritius the administration like any intelligent employer of labour,must refused to confine its selection to those who sought employment either directly or indirectly, but searched out able men/women from all over the country. Since sometimes the Establishment has set itself upon the recruitment of foreigners for the country top job- reason bestowed in full blast as being to prevent local lobbyists playing influence on any local appointees.
The latest in evidence being the selection of a foreigner for the post of vice chancellor at the University of Mauritius. Should these norms become universal for the Mauritian republic, then it follows that we should also surrender our voting rights to foreigners, and then seeks foreign Legislative Representatives for Parliament. The incongruous nature of this argument only show the Present establishment hostility towards meritorious and caliber, qualified Mauritian professional.
The malaise in Mauritius that needs immediate focus is the appointment of hordes of political nominees once the new regime comes to power. In fact most nominees are the puppet strings of ministers, their lack of credentials for the high demanding post never bring a wrinkle to the political masters. France president son, only recently bowed down from a high profile post after protests from all quarters. British politicians have to face Parliamentary questions on their abusive expenses, and many are write off as candidates for next general election. Question of patronage, forms subject of complaint. The abuse of the patronage is a subject to be much discussed during this period as a reform measure.
Somehow the para statal bodies are an extension of the civil service, but much like the back office where the accountability and transparency are nil and void. Many ministers choose para statal funding for their endless overseas travels, and on many policy issues they ducked from answering Parliamentary questions on ground of the existence of board members.
As General Election comes closer, much flooding recruitments inside para statal bodies get into play, thus the verdict of the voting process get corrupted.
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